Unconfirmed reports out of Iran earlier this week sadly appear to have been true. Khamenei's judiciary has sentenced at least three people rounded up in post-election unrest to death.
While this was neither unexpected nor without precedent by Iran's ruling clerics, it does stand out as an interesting existential problem for a regime struggling to maintain its grip on power while simultaneously attempting to strike a balance between fending off international pressure over its questionable nuclear program, and soothing domestic resentment within large swaths of the local population.
Iran's youngest, and potentially its most productive citizens, have been the targets of violence perpetuated by a fanatical, and largely volunteer police force in the form of the Basiji militias, who report directly to the country's powerful Revolutionary Guard. Allegations of torture, rape, and murder swirled long before the most recent show trial of more than 100 dissidents who currently face the hangman's (or as they do it in Iran, the crane operator's) noose. At the same time, the country's presumed President has traveled the globe, denying the acts of well documented past genocide, while dismissing criticism of his government's most recent human rights abuses as Western propaganda in the same breath. This, of course, impresses no one, least of all Iran's staunchest allies, who are put in the uncomfortable position of trying to justify their dealings with an openly violent and hypocritical regime.
This becomes even more dangerous for the Khamenei government when Iran's representatives attempt to convince the outside world that its secretive nuclear program is aimed not, as the most vocal advocates of direct military intervention have asserted, a nihilistic threat against a nuclear armed neighbor with second strike capability, but is designed - in secret mountain bunkers housed on military bases - for benign civilian consumption. Iran's clerics have thrived in the past by stoking fear among the masses, shaping it into a sort of feverish, demented nationalism caged in notions of holy war against outsider infidels. The problem those same clerics now face is that the masses have begun to realize that the infidels have been among them, disguised in turbans and wizened beards, hiding behind copies of holy books long-sullied by the actions of their owners.
Whether or not Khamenei and his cronies actually follow through with the execution of protesters remains to be seen (at least on paper, the condemned have the right to appeal to Iran's Supreme Court). But if the perception of election fraud resulted in the kind of civil disobedience that hearkened back to the beginning of Iran's Revolution and the removal of the Shah, one can only imagine what Iran's rulers are set to unleash.
More on this here, and here, and more about the trial of dissidents here.
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